Six years ago, Britain became the first major country to commit to reducing its carbon emissions to net zero by 2050. Backed by a Conservative government and nodded through Parliament with barely a murmur and without a vote, it was a rare moment of political unity.

But today, net zero is no longer a unifying goal, it’s a political dividing line.

‘Net stupid zero’

Reform UK has gone all out on opposing green infrastructure, infantilely branding net zero policies as ‘net stupid zero.’ The party now controls ten councils and has vowed to block renewable projects across the country. “We will attack, we will hinder, we will delay,” Reform’s deputy leader Richard Tice declared. “So give up and go away.”

In Lincolnshire, Reform’s new mayor Andrea Jenkyns, who sits on the board of Net Zero Watch, an anti-climate campaign group, has claimed that carbon dioxide is “not pollution.”  Jenkyns campaigns to stop pylons and solar farms from being built in Lincolnshire, even though the county’s net zero industries contribute nearly £1 billion to the local economy and support over 12,000 jobs, as analysis by the Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit (ECIU) shows. She has also promised to launch a “Lincolnshire DOGE” – a reference to the US’s Department of Government Efficiency, overseen by tech magnate Elon Musk, which has introduced a range of harsh public sector cuts, including to climate agencies.

In Kent, a solar farm that could power nearly 29% of homes is under threat. And in Reform-run Staffordshire, both wind and solar projects face political roadblocks.

Meanwhile, Nigel Farage, who in April claimed net zero “could be the next Brexit,” accusing Parliament of being “hopelessly out of touch,” appears to have dropped his earlier demand for a referendum on the policy. Still, following the local elections, he’s escalating his rhetoric, telling local council climate staff to “look for new jobs.”

Legally, Reform’s efforts to block green projects may struggle to get anywhere, as the government’s new planning and infrastructure bill is designed to make legal challenges harder.

But the damage may already be done: the rhetoric is working. At a time when green policies are under attack in other countries too, most notably in the US under Donald Trump, Reform’s surge in local elections has forced the climate back onto the front pages, but not in the way climate activists may have hoped.

Spain’s blackout

The backlash isn’t confined to Britain. In Spain and Portugal, the recent mass blackout — reportedly the biggest ever in Europe — plunged millions into darkness. Opposition parties were quick to blame the socialist government’s push for renewable energy, claiming it had compromised grid stability.

Richard Tice seized the moment, calling the blackout a “wake-up call to eco zealots” and warning that UK grid operators “should take heed.” But experts were quick to debunk such a narrative. Daniel Muir, senior European power analyst at S&P Global, said:

“The nature and scale of the outage makes it unlikely that the volume of renewables was the cause, with the Spanish network more often than not subject to very high volumes of such production.”

In fact, Spain has managed to keep energy costs significantly lower than the UK through extensive investment in renewables. A BBVA study found that from 2021 to 2024, the growing share of low-cost solar and wind energy helped reduce wholesale electricity prices by nearly 20%. Overall utility costs — electricity, heating, water, and waste — are 40% lower in Spain, where the cost of living is also 26.5% cheaper on average than in the UK, according to data from the world’s largest cost of living database. 

And blackouts can and do happen regardless of energy source. London experienced a major one in 2003 while still largely reliant on fossil fuels. But you wouldn’t know that listening to Reform’s narrative — that renewables make us poorer and less secure. 

Tories retreat while Labour wobbles

Opposition to net zero targets isn’t restricted to Reform. The current Tory leadership is eager to distance itself from the policy that its own party, under Theresa May in 2019, legislated.  Even Boris Johnson championed green energy and warned his successor Rishi Sunak not to backtrack.

But Kemi Badenoch’s shadow team argues that net zero is economically damaging and politically unpopular, with the shadow energy secretary Andrew Bowie having called the 2019 target a “mistake.”

Speaking in February to mark her first 100 days in the role, Badenoch dismissed the target as a relic of environmental “zealotry” that “sounds like it is absolute zero and people want to take us back to the Stone Age.”

As the Conservatives abandon their flagship green policies in an effort to attack Labour’s clean energy plans, you would hope Labour might stand firm.

And, to its credit, Labour has promised to run the grid on 95% clean energy by 2030. But the party is showing signs of nerves.

Just before the local elections in early May, Keir Starmer stepped into the role of international statesman, welcoming senior ministers and leaders from 60 countries to an energy security summit at Lancaster House. He delivered a bold message: “Homegrown clean energy is the only way to take back control of our energy system, deliver energy security and bring down bills for the long term. That is in the DNA of my government.”

But shortly after the speech, Tony Blair delivered a bombshell. The former Labour PM said net zero policies were “doomed to fail” and people were being asked to make financial sacrifices for a “minimal” impact on global emissions.

A spokesperson for Blair later insisted he believed Starmer’s approach was the “right one.”

Nonetheless, the intervention overshadowed what was intended to be a landmark speech from Starmer on climate action, one that had left energy secretary and long-time climate action champion Ed Miliband beaming. Blair’s comments were, naturally, seized on by the Tories and the right-wing press, which is relentless in its opposition to net zero and Miliband himself.

The Express ran with a sensationalist headline about a “civil war” erupting after environment secretary Steve Reed agreed with Blair’s concerns.

‘Civil war breaks out in Labour as minister backs Tony Blair over net-zero madness,’ the newspaper headlined.

This is the same outlet that habitually ridicules net zero advocates, particularly Ed Miliband, whom it derides as “Mad Ed.” Rather than engaging with climate policy on its merits, the paper doubles down on a populist narrative, railing against supposed “irrational” environmental policies and promoting fossil fuel expansion, including fracking.

“What makes Britain’s worsening energy crisis all the more mismanaged is the government’s refusal to use the vast energy resources that we already have, like the huge shale gas field recently discovered in Lincolnshire, which could meet all our energy needs for a decade. Yet the sanctimonious energy secretary Ed Miliband pronounced last week that he wants a permanent ban on fracking,” continued the report, adding that Britain is running into trouble in part because of “Mr Miliband’s monstrous vanity.”

For months, Miliband has faced repeated calls by the right-wing press for Starmer to sack him.

“Starmer must sack lunatic Miliband to save Britain,” declared Telegraph editor Allister Heath back in January, branding him “a delusional fanatic who birthed our ruinous approach to net zero” and warning he will soon “destroy both the UK and his party.”

Poor old Ed, routinely monstered by the right for the apparent crime of trying to save the planet. So far, his position appears safe, though that hasn’t stopped the attacks.

“Keir Starmer REFUSES to guarantee Ed Miliband will escape the sack after Tony Blair sparks net zero row,” thundered GB News.

Reform’s surge in the locals

Following Labour’s heavy losses and Reform’s wins in the local elections, net zero was pushed further into debate within Labour ranks. Lord Blunkett said Labour’s net zero push risks making Labour toxic to voters. The Labour peer and former home secretary urged Keir Starmer to take a more flexible approach towards green targets to save businesses and consumers money.

He denounced Farage’s pledge to abandon net zero altogether as “insane” but argued that green policies introduced by successive governments – all of which have been backed by Labour – have made both industry and households poorer.

Some trade unions have even raised concern about the need to ensure that there is a plan to protect jobs in any transition to green energy.

Unite said it is not against net zero, but it will “not be achieved without serious investment in new jobs.”

But even amid the turmoil of a surging Reform and poor local election results for Labour, the message is that Starmer is, at least for now, sticking to its net zero plans.

A Labour source said: “The prime minister’s words at the [Lancaster House] summit have set the tone for the government’s commitment on this agenda – the party is doubling down on clean energy and climate leadership.”

The public wants climate action

And polls certainly suggest that if the government was to backtrack on net zero, it wouldn’t be a popular move. According to More in Common, 40% of voters think the UK’s 2050 target is a good policy while only 21% view it as a bad idea. Two-thirds of voters want the government to either maintain its current pace on the policy or go faster. Even those Labour voters who are willing to back Reform claim support for net zero policies.

Luke Tryl, the executive director of More in Common, said the idea that Britain has turned into a nation of net zero sceptics is “for the birds.”

“Reform voters are more sceptical but it’s not something most of them feel strongly about,” he said.

Holly Brazier Tope, the deputy director of politics at Green Alliance, urged Starmer to be bold. “Labour has a bigger majority than it did in 1945 to deliver this change, but Starmer also understands people aren’t feeling the benefits yet,” she said.

“So the government must focus on reducing people’s bills over this parliament, decisively cutting out expensive fossil fuels from the UK’s energy supply.”

What we’re seeing isn’t just a backlash, it’s a coordinated campaign to turn climate action into a culture war. Reform is leading the charge, but the Conservatives are following. Labour, meanwhile, is trying to hold the line while fending off internal dissent and right-wing media attacks.

The biggest threat to net zero isn’t solar panels, it’s political cowardice and manufactured outrage. And as Spain’s blackout shows, facts can be manipulated to fit the narrative. But the climate doesn’t care about politics. It’s changing with or without us. The only question is whether our leaders — and our grid — are ready.

Gabrielle Pickard-Whitehead is author of Right-Wing Watch

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